How the 1967 War Doomed Israel


Avir harim kalul ba’yayin, ve reach oranim…

The opening lines of Naomi Shemer’s legendary Yerushalayim Shel Zahav (Jerusalem of Gold) can still bring goosebumps to my flesh, even decades after I deconstructed and relinquished the mythology connoted by the old Basque lullaby she repurposed as an ode to Israel’s conquest of East Jerusalem in June of 1967. I first heard the song at age 8 in a documentary film shown at my afternoon Hebrew class (ugh!), all gorgeous evening sunshine glowing pink off the old city, as it related the “miracle” of Israel’s “six-day” triumph over its Arab neighbors in that year. And it made me feel good, in an epic kind of way. Already the song had become a kind of anthem, an emotional seduction into the notion of the conquest of East Jerusalem somehow signifying Jewish salvation. Steven Spielberg even planned to include it in the grossly misleading postcard he tacked on to the end of Schindler’s List, in which Holocaust survivors are shown in Jerusalem as if this was somehow a triumph over Nazism, although he dropped the idea after Israeli test audiences found the connection discordant. But rarely has there been a more powerful song in the Israeli imagination, precisely because of the giddily messianic atmosphere that prevailed in Israel in the wake of the war — an atmosphere that blinded Israelis to the calamitous implications of their conquest. But hey, even at age 6, I bought into that atmosphere.

There was no such thing as television in South Africa in 1967, so it was through grainy black-and-white photographs in the evening newspaper that I learned that Mirage jet fighters — the same delta-winged plane flown over my house with great, and occasionally sound barrier-breaking regularity by the South African Air Force to and from nearby Ysterplaat air base, although the ones in the paper bore the Star of David on their wing tips — had destroyed Egypt’s MiG squadrons on the ground. And with those images, and later ones of paratroopers in webbed helmets at the Wailing Wall, that I learned of the “miracle” — Israel, the tiny Jewish state whose map I knew from the blue and white money tin into which we would put a coin every Friday night after Shabbos dinner, had faced down the combined armies of its Arab neighbors, and had dispatched them within six days. And they had “liberated” our “holiest” site, an old stone wall in East Jerusalem pocked with pubic clumps of weeds, into whose cracks and crannies I was told that Jews could insert notes to be read by God — like a hotel message cubby. (Let’s just say that by the time I got there, at age 17, this bubbemeis about holy stones and a celestial post office only fueled my atheism.) Not only that, they’d made Israel “safe” by “liberating” the whole of the West Bank, Gaza and the Golan Heights. In six days! A miracle, like the creation story in Genesis! (Of course, many years later, I would learn that it hadn’t even taken that long; Israel had attacked first and effectively won the war in the opening hours by destroying its enemy’s air forces on the ground — Six Days just sounded like a good name for a war given the creation story.)

Even at the age of six, my first year in big school, Israel’s victory had a profound effect on me. The previous year, I had heard my older step-brothers describe a Phys-Ed class being turned into a kind of playful pogrom, in some sort of fighting game that had pitched the Jewish boys against the rest. Being Jewish jocks, they had, according to my brothers’ account over dinner, given as good as they’d gotten, and it was a genuinely playful thing, besides — the sort of playful contest I recall from my older years that often saw a class divide on lines of “Boer against Brit,” i.e. Afrikaans kids against English-speakers, recalling the Boer War. But at six years old, the idea of a small group of Jewish boys being surrounded and set upon by their gentile classmates was absolutely terrifying.

But the news out of Israel in those mid-year months in 1967 was infinitely reassuring. Israel’s dramatic victory had proved that we, the prickly little state or the Jewish boys in their white Phys-ed (we called it PT) vests and shorts, were not to be fucked with. (I remember a similar effect a decade later, after the audacious raid on Entebbe had freed a group of passengers held on a hijacked Air France plane in Uganda — by then, my friends and I were literally accepting congratulations on Israel’s behalf.) And, I know anecdotally as much as anything else, that anyone ever called a “Jewboy” anywhere in the world walked a lot taller after the first week of June in 1967.

We were certainly granted the recognition on the playground that the epic victory demanded. The idea of Jews as being weaklings or afraid to fight was buried; white South Africa with its own narrative pitting it as an embattled minority in a sea of hostile neighbors embraced the Israeli victory as an inspiration. The word “Arab” became synonymous, on the playground and in the classroom, with incompetence and idiocy. “Don’t be an Arab!” I heard a teacher exclaim, more than once in response to a student’s failure to properly carry out his instructions. And, three years after the 1967 war, when the apartheid regime celebrated the tenth anniversary of South Africa’s formal independence from Britain, the ceremony in my school playground saw my Jewish friends and I, in our blue Habonim shirts and scarves and kakhi shorts, line up alongside the boy scouts and the Voortrekkers (the fascist Afrikaner youth movement) to salute the flag and proclaim our loyalty to the Republic (even though the whole point of Habonim was to persuade us to emigrate!). A regime rooted in vicious anti-Semitism and explicit admiration for the Nazis had now come to recognize Israel and its local supporters as a fighting ally in their epic struggle, couched in Cold War language, between white peoples and peoples of color.

Die Vaderland (The Fatherland), a newspaper of the apartheid regime, editorialized in 1969, on the occasion of a visit to South Africa by Ben Gurion, “When we, from our side, look realistically at the world situation, we know that Israel’s continued existence in the Middle East is also an essential element in our own security… If our Jewish citizens were to rally to the call of our distinguished visitor — to help build up Israel — their contribution would in essence be a contribution to South Africa’s security.”

South Africa and Israel became intimate allies in the years that followed the ’67 war, with unrepentant former Nazis such as Prime Minister B.J. Vorster welcomed to Israel to seal military deals that resulted in collaboration in the development of weapons ranging from aircraft and assault rifles to, allegedly, nuclear weapons. I remember well how some products of South Africa’s Jewish day-school system, where Hebrew was taught as well as the mandatory Afrikaans, finding themselvse with cushy posting during their compulsory military services — as Hebrew-Afrikaans translators for Israeli personnel working with the SADF. And that alliance raised the comfort level of the South African Jewish community in apartheid South Africa — while a handful of Jewish revolutionaries had made up a dominant share of the white ranks of the national liberation movement, they were largely disowned by the mainstream organized Jewish community, which had chosen the path of quiescence and collaboration with the regime. Their posture, and Israel’s, were now in perfect alignment.

Fruitful collaboration: The Israeli
military called it the Galil, the SADF
called it the R-4, but it was the same gun

Even as I came to recognize and react to the horrors of apartheid, Israel seemed to me to represent a shining alternative. I remember shocking the grownups at a Pesach seder in 1974, my Bar Mitzvah year, by telling them that I would never do my compulsory military service in South Africa. But they smiled and murmured approvingly when I declared that, instead, I would go to Israel and serve in the army there, because that way “I could fight for something I believe in.” (I had, of course, in my cheesy adolescent way, stolen that line from a Jewish character in James A. Michener’s “The Drifters,” who uses it in relation to Vietnam; but the image in my mind when I read it, as when I said it, was of those paratroopers at the Wailing Wall.)

I could not conceive of Israel as in any way complicit in the crimes of apartheid, much less as engaged in its own forms of apartheid. After all, my connection to Israel, by the time I was 14, came largely through Habonim, a socialist-Zionist youth movement whose Zionism was infused with just the sort of left-wing universalism for which my own anti-apartheid subversive instincts yearned. My Habonim madrichim, bearded radicals from the University of Cape Town opened by mind to Marx and Marcuse, Bob Dylan and Yevtushenko, Woodie Guthrie and Erich Fromm. I was already a Jewish atheist, and considered myself a socialist, but in my mind, Israel and Kibbutz were the absolute negation of all that was wrong with South Africa; as a stepping stone to universal brotherhood and equality as expressed in the idealism of early left-wing Zionist thinkers like Ber Borochov, A.D. Gordon and Martin Buber. It became clear to me soon enough (by the time I was 18, to be specific) that their Zionist idealism — and mine — had no connection to the reality of Israel, largely because it ignored the elephant in the room: the Arab population of Palestine.


The war of 1967 was a continuation of the war of 1948, a battle over sovereignty, ownership and possession of the land in what had been British-Mandate Palestine. Sensing the escalating conflict between the Arab population and the European Jewish settlers who had been allowed by the British, since their conquest of Palestine in 1917, to settle there and establish the infrastructure of statehood — and moved by the impulse to create a sanctuary for the survivors of the Holocaust while avoiding giving most of them the choice of moving to the U.S. or other Western countries — the U.N. recommended in 1947 that Palestine be partitioned, to create separate Jewish and Arab states. The Zionists were disappointed by the plan, because they had hoped to have all of Palestine become a Jewish state. And the fact that it left Jerusalem, where 100,000 Jews lived, within the territory of the Arab zone, albeit run as an international city, was particularly irksome. But the Zionist leadership also knew that the plan was as good as they were going to get via diplomacy, and accepted the plan. (The rest, of course, they would acquire in battle, in 1948 and 1967, in wars that they could blame on their enemies — after all, 40 years after the 1967 war, during which time Israel has been at peace with the enemy it faced on that flank, the West Bank remains very much in Israeli hands, with close to half a million Israelis settled there.)

And, of course, war would likely have looked inevitable, because the Arabs were unlikely to accept a deal in which they were, by definition, the losers. Today, Israel insists that the demographic “facts on the ground” must be taken into account in any peace settlement, and demands that it be allowed to maintain the large settlement blocs built on the best land in the West Bank since 1967. And the Bush Administration has formally endorsed this claim. But look at the “facts on the ground” of 1947/8: The Partition Plan awarded 55% of the land to the Jewish state, including more than 80% of land under cultivation. At the time, Jews made up a little over one third of the total population, and owned some 7% of the land. Moreover, given the demographic demands of the Zionist movement for a Jewish majority, the plan was an invitation to tragedy: The population within the boundaries of the Jewish state envisaged in the 1947 partition consisted of around 500,000 Jews and 400,000 Arabs.

Hardly surprising, then, that the Arabs of Palestine and beyond rejected the partition plan.

For the Arab regimes, the creation of a separate Jewish sovereign state in the Holy Land over which the Crusades had been fought was a challenge to their authority; it was perceived by their citizenry as a test of their ability to protect their land and interests from foreign invasion. And so they went to war believing they could reverse what the U.N. had ordered on the battlefield. For the Jews of Palestine in 1948, a number of them having narrowly survived extermination in Europe, the war was a matter of physical survival. Although in the mythology, the war pitted a half million Jews against 20 million Arabs, in truth Israel was by far the stronger and better-organized and better-armed military power. And so what Israel called the War of Independence saw the Jewish state acquire 50% more territory than had been envisaged in the partition plan. The maps below describe the difference between the Israel envisaged by the UN in 1947 and the one that came into being in the war of 1948.

But maps don’t convey the disaster that befell the Palestinian Arabs in 1948. The war also allowed the Zionist movement to resolve its “demographic concerns,” as some 700,000 Palestinian Arabs found themselves driven from their homes and land — many driven out at gunpoint, the majority fleeing in fear of further massacres such as the one carried out by the Irgun at Dir Yassein, and all of them subject to the same ethnic-cleansing founding legislation by passed the new Israeli Knesset that seized the property of any Arab absent from his property on May 8, 1948, and forbad the refugees from returning.

The revised partition effected by the war left hundreds of thousands of Palestinians destitute in refugee camps in neighboring Arab countries, a drama that continues to play out today in northern Lebanon.

And for the next generation of Arab leaders, pan-Arabists and nationalists who overthrew the feeble Western-allied monarchies, the fundamental challenge of their nationalist vision became “redeeming” Arab honor by reversing their defeat of 1948. They tried twice, in 1967 and again in 1973, and failed. But even today, as political Islam supplants nationalism and pan-Arabism as the dominant ideologies of the Arab world, reversing the defeats of 1973, 1967 and 1948 remains a singular obsession.

For Jews of my generation who came of age during the anti-apartheid struggle, there was no shaking the nagging sense that what Israel was doing in the West Bank was exactly what the South African regime was doing in the townships. Even as we waged our own intifada against apartheid in South Africa, we saw daily images of young Palestinians facing heavily armed Israeli police in tanks and armored vehicles with nothing more than stones, gasoline bombs and the occasional light weapon; a whole community united behind its children who had decided to cast off the yoke under which their parents suffered. And when Yitzhak Rabin, more famous as a signatory on the Oslo Agreement, ordered the Israeli military to systematically break the arms of young Palestinians in the hope of suppressing an entirely legitimate revolt, thuggery had become a matter of national policy. It was only when some of those same young men began blowing themselves up in Israeli restaurants and buses that many Israel supporters were once again able to construe the Israelis as the victim in the situation; during the intifada of the 1980s they could not question who was David and who was Goliath. Even for those of us who had grown up in the idealism of the left-Zionist youth movements, Israel had become a grotesque parody of everything we stood for.

Even those within the Zionist establishment who came through the same tradition were horrified: Former Knesset Speaker Avraham Burg wrote in 2003:

It turns out that the 2,000-year struggle for Jewish survival comes down to a state of settlements, run by an amoral clique of corrupt lawbreakers who are deaf both to their citizens and to their enemies. A state lacking justice cannot survive. More and more Israelis are coming to understand this as they ask their children where they expect to live in 25 years. Children who are honest admit, to their parents’ shock, that they do not know. The countdown to the end of Israeli society has begun.

It is very comfortable to be a Zionist in West Bank settlements such as Beit El and Ofra. The biblical landscape is charming. You can gaze through the geraniums and bougainvilleas and not see the occupation. Travelling on the fast highway that skirts barely a half-mile west of the Palestinian roadblocks, it’s hard to comprehend the humiliating experience of the despised Arab who must creep for hours along the pocked, blockaded roads assigned to him. One road for the occupier, one road for the occupied.

This cannot work. Even if the Arabs lower their heads and swallow their shame and anger for ever, it won’t work. A structure built on human callousness will inevitably collapse in on itself. Note this moment well: Zionism’s superstructure is already collapsing like a cheap Jerusalem wedding hall. Only madmen continue dancing on the top floor while the pillars below are collapsing…

Israel, having ceased to care about the children of the Palestinians, should not be surprised when they come washed in hatred and blow themselves up in the centres of Israeli escapism. They consign themselves to Allah in our places of recreation, because their own lives are torture. They spill their own blood in our restaurants in order to ruin our appetites, because they have children and parents at home who are hungry and humiliated. We could kill a thousand ringleaders a day and nothing will be solved, because the leaders come up from below – from the wells of hatred and anger, from the “infrastructures” of injustice and moral corruption…

Between the Jordan and the Mediterranean there is no longer a clear Jewish majority. And so, fellow citizens, it is not possible to keep the whole thing without paying a price. We cannot keep a Palestinian majority under an Israeli boot and at the same time think ourselves the only democracy in the Middle East. There cannot be democracy without equal rights for all who live here, Arab as well as Jew. We cannot keep the territories and preserve a Jewish majority in the world’s only Jewish state – not by means that are humane and moral and Jewish.

Many pro-Israel commentators today lament what they see as a shift in the Palestinian political mindset from the secular nationalism of Fatah to a more implacable Islamist worldview, supposedly infinitely less reasonable because it couches its opposition to Israel in religious terms. Yet, what is often overlooked is how the Israeli victory in 1967 effected a similar shift
in Zionist ideology away from the secular nationalism of Ben Gurion’s generation to a far more dangerous religious nationalism. Tom Segev, my favorite Israeli historian, writes that the 1967 war resulted in many Israelis coming to see the army as an instrument of messianic theology. The knitted yarmulke of the settlers moving to colonize the West Bank in the wake of the 1967 victory came to replace the cloth cap of the socialist kibbutznik as the symbol of Zionist pioneering. Segev quotes from Rav Kook, the founder of the settlement movement: “There is one principal thing: the state. It is entirely holy, and there is no flaw in it… the state is holy in any and every case.”

The settlement of Maale Adumim, on the West Bank.
Its permanence signifies that whatever their intentions,
the Zionists created a single (apartheid) state for Jews
and Palestinians after 1967

The religious Zionists saw the West Bank and holy land to be “redeemed,” or “liberated” by settlement, and with the tacit support of all Israeli governments since then (and the more active support of some) they rushed to build permanent structures and settle a civilian population there, in defiance of international law, in order to preclude the possibility of returning that land to the Palestians as a basis for peace.

As David Remnick notes in a review of some of the literature on 1967, many Israelis quickly realized that the “Six Day War” had brought about a potential disaster for the Zionist project, because Israel now found itself not only in control of all of the territory of British-Mandate Palestine, but also all of its current inhabitants. He quotes Amos Oz’s dark warning

“For a month, for a year, or for a whole generation we will have to sit as occupiers in places that touch our hearts with their history. And we must remember: as occupiers, because there is no alternative. And as a pressure tactic to hasten peace. Not as saviors or liberators. Only in the twilight of myths can one speak of the liberation of a land struggling under a foreign yoke. Land is not enslaved and there is no such thing as a liberation of lands. There are enslaved people, and the word “liberation” applies only to human beings. We have not liberated Hebron and Ramallah and El-Arish, nor have we redeemed their inhabitants. We have conquered them and we are going to rule over them only until our peace is secured. “

But the religious-nationalists and Likudniks, who had always imagined a “Greater Israel” [EM] the Betar kids I knew in Cape Town used to wear a silver pendant on their chests, depicting a state of Israel running from the Nile to the Euphrates, and they used to sing a song called “Shte Gadot La Yarden” (“Both Sides of the Jordan” [EM] had something else in mind. As I’ve noted previously, it was my South African Habonim elders on Kibbutz Yizreel, in 1978, who first warned my generation that the settlement policies of the new Likud government would turn Israel into an apartheid state — Israel, they said, could not afford to give the Palestinians on the West Bank the vote, but the objective of the settlements was to ensure that Israel did not withdraw from the land it had conquered. The result would be that Israel would rule over its Palestinian residents without giving them the rights of citizens — the very essence of the apartheid regime back home.

And that is, indeed, what had transpired. Today, the West Bank is carved up by hundreds of Israeli settlements, and roads and land reserved for settlers. And they have no intention of leaving, while no Israeli government for the foreseeable future will muster the political strength to be able to remove them (even if that was their intent).

The black and blue areas are Israeli settlements, and the white parts are the roads and land under Israeli control

For an enlarged version of this map, click here.

Today, talk of a two-state solution to the conflict must reckon with the facts on the ground. The 1947 Partition plan left the Palestinians with 45 percent of the territory of Palestine; the 1948 war left them holding onto 22 percent, which fell into Israeli hands in 1967. Even when it talks about a two-state solution, Israel still demands to keep some of the best lands and the key water sources within that 22 percent. A simple glance at the map above should be enough to raise serious questions about the viability of a separate, sovereign Palestinian nation-state. It’s hard to imagine such an entity, blessed with few natural resources and with hardly any independent economic base, maintaining an independent economic existence, even as it is forced to accomodate hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees returning from refugee camps in Lebanon and elsewhere (as most versions of the two-state plan envisage). Indeed, such an entity may well have the feel of an enlarged refugee camp, whose survival is largely dependent on handouts.

When it conquered the West Bank and Gaza in 1967, Israel put the Palestinian population of those territories under the rule of the Israeli state. For forty years, now, the entire population of British-Mandate Palestine has been governed by a single state. The difference, of course, is that those who live within Israel’s 1967 borders have democratic rights, while those outside are governed by an Israeli colonial and military administration. The extent of Palestinian “authority” in those territories — even Gaza — remains entirely circumscribed by Israeli power.

Suddenly panicked by the demographic implications of the apartheid order its 1967 conquests have created, Israeli leaders talk of “separating” from the Palestinians, as if they can dispense with the problem by drawing political boundaries and building a wall around self-governing Palestinian enclaves (Ariel Sharon himself used the analogy with South Africa’s apartheid Bantustan policy to describe the idea.) But the Gaza experience has made clear the limits of that option.

For the Palestinian population, and their Arab neighbors, the crisis of 1948 has never been resolved. And the Israelis, for the last 40 years, by colonizing the West Bank and East Jerusalem, have squandered whatever opportunities their victory of 1967 presented for changing the dynamic — instead, they have sought to cling to elements of the “Greater Israel” they created in that year, and in the vain hope that the Palestinians will some day surrender in exchange for whatever Israel chooses to offer them.

But precisely because they have continued to expand Israel since 1967, they have dimmed the prospects for a new partition creating a viable Palestinian state separate from Israel. Today, more than ever, the fate of the Israelis is inextricably, and intimately linked to the fate of the Palestinians — and vice versa. The lasting legacy of the 1967 war is the bi-national state it created in the old territory of British-Mandate Palestine.

This entry was posted in A Wondering Jew. Bookmark the permalink.

31 Responses to How the 1967 War Doomed Israel

  1. Rojo says:

    Have you already published this piece elsewhere? I know I’ve read those exact same words before.

  2. Tony says:

    Yes, sorry, this was published elsewhere on my site about a month ago, and I had to republish for reasons of positioning.

  3. peter says:

    One doesn’t have to be pro-Arab or pro-Israeli to apply common sense to predict the future.

    5 million Jews in Israel and the occupied territories. 1.3 billion muslims (including 300-400 million Arabs?) surrounding Israel, many 10s of miilions who hate Israel for what they have done and continue to do. Only a matter of time before demographics and geography have the inevitable result.

    The only small hope for Israel is to agree to a peace that fully accommodates the Palestinians, and instead Israel moves further and further away from such action.

    40 or 60 years is a blip in time. Doesn’t look like they will get close to celebrating 100 years. Might be messy even catastrophic for all concerned, Israelis, Arabs, great chunks of the rest of the world, but it do seem that Israel is doomed.

  4. Bernard says:

    May be one of those “easy street” national service from Hertzlia or King David will spill the beans about the Vela Incident when their consciences begin to prick them

  5. Bernard says:

    May be one of those “easy street” national servicemen from Hertzlia or King David spoilt brat schoolswill spill the beans about the Vela Incident when their consciences begin to prick them.Cuito Cuanavale awaits Israel.

  6. Shlomo says:

    Tony, may I ask:

    How did Israel’s “failure” in the 6-day war to be conquered by 5 different Arab nations lead it to become “doomed”? Are you sure you don’t mean “the ensuing occupation”?

    Also, I am not as sure as you are that the U.N. wronged Palestinians in 1948. While the demographic “facts on the ground” favored Arabs, the military “facts on the ground” favored the Jews–as you yourself said, the Zionists were far more organized. The fact that after the Arab nations attacked, Israel actually GAINED territory shows that the U.N. actually fudged the military-demographic “facts on the ground” to favor Palestinians. Since Israel still has the ability to pound the Palestinian territories at will, the military-demographic “facts on the ground” are still whatever Israel wants it to be.

    Also, it is true that for Palestinians, the Nakhba of ’48 has never been resolved. But this is not only Israel’s fault. Egypt does not want the Palestinians, it is scared out of its mind of the Moslem Brotherhood. Jordan is just like Egypt. Both countries are run by corrupt autocrats that must suppress their people to survive, so obviously, THEY do not want the Palestinians. Finally, I would like to once agin refer you to the ongoing Lebanese-Palestinian conflict, which is hotter than the Israeli-Palestinian conflict at least for now. Lebanese Christians absolutely despise Palestinian, with a passion that is on the same level as Israelis’. Certainly, certainly, Israel has its large share of the blame, but are you sure the rest of the Middle East are saints?

    “Please advise”!

    P.S. Right on about Likud! They are the Israeli analog to radical Islamism.

  7. Robert says:

    Even if the Arab states were all cuddly liberal democracies they would not take kindly to millions of Palestinian refugees. Why should they?

    Apartheid South Africa tried to justify its racist tyranny by arguing that many black African states had an even worse human rights record and were even less democratic. And there was some truth in that but it was no excuse for apartheid.

    In the long run Israel cannot survive in its present form, nor should it. It is propped up by the United States, but America will not dominate this century the way it did the twentieth.

  8. Kay Kuhne says:

    A very informative —and engaging story —well told.
    American politicians seem to be unduly influenced by special interest groups, especially AIPAC, Oil, and war-profiteering industries. Perhaps legislation prohibiting lobbyists from representing foreign interests (directly or indirectly) might be a step in the right direction. Obviously,
    there are many other steps to be considered, but I’m sure
    you have and will be addressing these better than I could.

  9. Rasul says:

    Today the fate of the Israelis is inextricably, and intimately linked to the fate of the Palestinians — and vice versa. The lasting legacy of the 1967 war is the bi-national apartheid state it created in the old territory of British-Mandate Palestine – that is author`s main idea. And he is right – now, after “victorious” HAMAS revolt in Gaza, it is even more evident. There is no one to whom we can return the territories said recently Shimon Perez . It is understatement – someday, it seems to me, Israel will be forced to reoccupy Gaza Strip. And so this war will go forever – until Doomsday.

  10. Abe Bird says:

    There is no way for political solution the Palestinian problem as long as Arab Palestinians deny the right of the Jewish Palestinians to have their national home in Palestine. Arabs think that Palestine is their land although they invaded that land and most of the Arab there came as follow up reaction to the Jewish immigrations under the Zionist movement.

    I think that in little time ahead the Jewish Palestinians will have no choice but to divide Palestine in two
    * the greater eastern part , from the Jordan river to the east, will be left to the Arabs to create their Palestinian Arab state with Amman as its Capitol (80% of the Arab in eastern Palestine are already Palestinian Arabs, the rest with their king’ are Saudi Bedouins).
    * The smaller western part, from Jordan river to the Mediterranean Sea shore, will be left for the Palestinian Jews to create their national state – Israel – with Jerusalem as its Capital.
    * All Arabs, in both parts of the land, will be citizens of the Arab state and will vote for their Parliament in Amman.
    * All Jews, in both parts of the land, will citizens of the Jewish state and will vote for their Knesset in Jerusalem.
    * All people, no matter whom and where they vote for their national states, will take votes for local municipalities.

    In that kind of solution we bypass the national problem out of the conflict. I’m very pessimistic and think that it is the only way to calm down tension there. The choice is dwelled before the Arabs feet. I’m very much afraid that the Arabs will give all reasons to the Jews to fix that solution by force accompanied by much ruin and blood for both sides. The Jews have no choice but to protect themselves from waves of Anti Semitism coming upon them time and again always disguised by updated and proper clowns.

  11. lolaone says:

    Tony, Thank you so much for this. I had no idea about the map of today. It gives me an even more depressing view of life for the Palestinians. Tony, your blog has given me coverage of this side, after years of chasing down an article from one or another of the periodicals at my local library. The internet has put you and your links within my reach. I love it! lolaone

  12. Brandon says:

    This is very informative. I really appreciate people who tell the truth. I continue to have more resolve about the fact that I don’t like America and it’s crap idea of Democracy. So many lies and so much deceit. The U.S. educational system brainwashes its’ children into believing that we are always in the right. In a book I have read called “Abandonment of the Jews”, I learned that the U.S. and other foreign governments knew about the death camps in the late 1930’s. The main reason that no one did anything to stop the genocide was because they didn’t know what to do with the refugees. There was talk of sending them to different places. When the Nazis took over the different countries in Europe there were instances where even the Nazi leaders were willing to give up all of the Jews they had rounded up if the rest of the world would provide the proper transportation. The U.S. and allies said “no” because it supposedly feared that there were Nazi spies amongst the Jews. And so they found a place where the refugees could go. Palestine. During the war the United States only allowed 7% of what we normally would have allowed for immigrants to move here. When they actually did take refugees in they put them in camps because they feared that there might be spies amongst the Jews. My country deserves to rot for what it has and has not done. If this is democracy I want no part of it. Please correct me if I’m wrong. I am trying to get the larger perspective without enough information.

  13. Pingback: Articles & Essays - February 2008 — will to truth

  14. Thank you for your brave words. It’s always a good thing when people bring into light a part of history that has been altered and hidden. Thank you again for writing this.

  15. I am very happy that I found this site.

  16. kim f says:

    Hey karon,Israel was in charge of all of mandate palestine?what about 80% of palestine that called ‘jordan’?just admit that you hate jews and deny their national rights.

  17. HAMAS revolt in Gaza, it is even more evident. There is no one to whom we can return the territories said recently Shimon Perez

  18. TPB Proxy says:

    On the other side in the coffeehouse is bookstore, where students are more
    willing to be home more line to buy cramming books on chemistry,
    civil service, and English literature alongside parents
    very happy to be out in the rain since they buy the latest
    fashion in notebooks and colored pens for their primary school children. Therefore, if you have
    accidently engaged a Trojan virus program, there’s no escape until it fully enters your
    computer. All you must do to start playing videos or audio file is to open the downloaded torrent (the
    torrents are typically only some kilobytes in space, in order that they download

  19. Not only that, but the advantages of using mobile Vo – IP
    on your smartphone will increase over the current PC and
    telephonic applications. It’s not a novel thing now
    as thousands of smartphone users do this, and many more to add to this every day.
    The following are some of the features of the Black – Berry smart phone:
    * 3G connectivity and Wi-Fi enabled.

  20. Refinder accesses t?i? tremendous source ?f ?nformation fo? organising and implementing projects.
    ?f you answer yess to m?st ?f th? questions yo? aree
    too possewsive with?ut any doubt. But in t?e case ?f ?n-site
    shredding, th? materials ar? collected and thjen destroyed ?mmediately
    and completely ?ithin ? few hours aat ?our premises.

    My page chaos drive limit break guide (

  21. Source says:

    So start using your smartphone and put your words on
    paper. You also have the GPS application to look forward to and benefit from.
    ” They can be your planner, reminder-er, browser, music player and video player.

  22. Article writing is also a excitement, if you be acquainted with after that you can write or else it is difficult to write.

  23. Annis says:

    s Haiti Relief Bounty Tournament will match all bounty money won and donate the total
    relief efforts to Haiti up to $50,000 and also contribute all tournament fees collected.
    This is a competitive advantage for sports betting businesses
    because the options that it gives are more than what anybody expects.
    You want the details of some of the games that I watched during
    this period of time and you get it.

  24. Hi friends, good article and good arguments
    commented at this place, I am truly enjoying by these.

  25. Loyd says:

    When someone writes an paragraph he/she maintains the image of a user in his/her mind
    that how a user can be aware of it. So that’s why this paragraph is great.

    my website; dentistry (Loyd)

  26. Larhonda says:

    I think the admin of this site is truly working hard in favor of his web page, because
    here every stuff is quality based data.

  27. Pretty element of content. I simply stumbled upon your blog and in accession capital to say that I acquire in fact enjoyed account your blog posts.
    Anyway I’ll be subscribing for your feeds and even I achievement
    you get admission to consistently rapidly.

    Take a look at my web-site como cambiar contraseña de wifi

  28. Vincent says:

    Thanks , I’ve recently been looking for information about this topic for
    a long time and yours is the greatest I have found out so
    far. But, what in regards to the bottom line? Are you positive in regards to the source?

    Look at my web blog escorts in montreal (Vincent)

  29. Mon iPhone 4S que j’ai passé en iOS 8, ramais un peu (mais pas de bugs).

  30. Lowest Price says:

    Appreciating the commitment you put into your website and detailed information you offer.
    It’s good to come across a blog every once in a
    while that isn’t the same outdated rehashed information. Wonderful
    read! I’ve saved your site and I’m including your RSS feeds to my Google account.

  31. m88 says:

    Every weekend i used to go to see this site, for the reason that i want
    enjoyment, for the reason that this this web page conations actually good funny information too.

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *